1.0 Introduction

On 25th June, 2024, Kenya witnessed a massive youth-led anti-Finance Bill protest in history, where thousands of youths mobilised on social media under the hashtag #RejectFinanceBill2024(Oketch, 2024). This massive protest demonstrated how the power of digital democracy online in the tweets can manifest offline in the streets and upend the political establishment. While Kenya’s counterparts in Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and other countries in the Horn of Africa may not enjoy as robust freedom online and in social media as Kenya because of the heavy state surveillance and sanctions, there is generally an increasing role of digital democracy across the region.

Globally, digital technologies that is driven by the 4th Industrial Revolution(4IR), have been touted to hold the keys to transformative governance. While the use of digital technologies in democratic processes has been praised for promoting increased participation, the digital space has also been used to spread disinformation and hate messages (Akinyetun & Ebonine, 2023).

In Africa and specifically Nigeria, digitization has transformed government and how they design and deliver public services, observing that there is need to invest more on software and hardware infrastructures to fully harness digital technologies (Adeniran, Balogun& Ihezie, 2023). Indeed, digitization has the potential to leapfrog Africa in several sectors, but there is need to equip its population with necessary digital skills (Chivunga & Tempest, 2022)

Although digitization is a global megatrend, its disruptive nature is bound to be more pronounced in Africa— where there is an increased consumption of digital technologies, yet with limited regulatory capacity to develop, implement and enforce digital technology frameworks. In the volatile Eastern Africa region—which is characterized by several challenges such as political instability, conflict, youth bulge and unemployment and other economic constraints—the adoption of digital technologies are high stakes, with the potential to build peace and resilience or could pose as security threats, by exacerbating state fragilities.

More importantly, while digital democracies have revolutionized how governments relate with their citizens, increased citizen participation has brought initially marginalized voices to the centre of political discourses and decision making. It has equally increased state surveillance and crackdown on anti-government dissenting voices, further limiting the freedom of expression. This commentary seeks to discuss the future of public trust and governance in a digitally connected Eastern Africa.

Key Issues

1.Opportunities for Enhanced Trust and Governance

On a positive note, digital technology is expected to enhance trust and governance. Open data platforms and blockchain technology could be used to promote accountability, by making government actions traceable and auditable. Social media platforms such as X, Facebook, WhatsApp and Tiktok also provide opportunity for citizens to participate and engage in political discourses and inclusive decision making. E-governance and electoral management tools such as online voting, surveys and budgeting, could also encourage citizen participation, hence making democracy interactive. Digitization, automation and use of Artificial Intelligence in online government services such as health, education, documentation could also enhance public service delivery and trust.

2. Challenges to Public Trust

While there are opportunities envisaged by the 4IR that is characterized by digital technology, there are several challenges associated with it, and which require careful navigation so as to enhance public trust.

Firstly, there is misinformation, disinformation and deepfakes, which have eroded public trust especially on public institutions, and hindered independent thought necessary for informed decision-making. Disinformation has for instance been used to promote polarization. Lorenz-Spreen, Lewandowsky, Sunstein and Hertwig (2020), have for instance argued that the online ecosystem is designed to attract user attention and not deliberate cognition and independent choice, hence creating an environment where false information could easily spread. Increased polarization in developed democracies has also been attributed to increased use of digital(social) media (Lorenz-Spreen, Oswald, Lewandowsky & Hertwig, 2023).

Secondly, there is algorithmic bias that is embedded in digital technologies. This therefore means that structural violence and intersectionality bias is deeply and subtly embedded in digital technologies, further marginalizing the minority and entrenching others.

Thirdly, there is the fear of a digital divide, where access to digital devices and internet access is still limited. Segments of the society are therefore marginalized and excluded, further fuelling mistrust and inequality. This digital divide amplifies the voices of the privileged with access to digital technologies, while those without access are relegated to the periphery, unheard or ignored.

Finally, there is the fear of data privacy and cybersecurity. Unauthorized access of data through hacks and leaks may lower public trust. Questions on collection, storage, sharing and use of personal data remain sticky. With fears of data privacy, many countries in Eastern Africa have enacted laws to protect privacy: Uganda (2019), Kenya (2019), Rwanda (2021) and Tanzania (2022). While this is a step in the right direction, the robustness, fairness and the challenge of implementation of these laws remains contested, as states enact draconian laws that empower the state to violate digital rights (Wanyama, 2023).

3. Securitizing Digital Technologies

Responding to the several challenges associated with the digital environment, many governments in Eastern Africa, Kenya included, have opted to sanction, limit or sometimes shut down the internet in a bid to control narratives. This government overreach is justified by securitization as originally promoted by the Copenhagen School (Kilroy Jr, 2022), where governments may subjectively frame social media use as threat to national security, hence deploy full state machinery to curtail or curb its supposed “misuse”. Legitimate concerns of digital technologies notwithstanding, it is imperative to note that individuals do not have powers to violate the state, and state securitization of digital rights may not be justified and may amount to state overreach.

4. Future Governance Models

With the increased use of digital technologies, there are emerging governance models in Eastern Africa, and especially in Kenya.

First is the emergence of digital democracies—the use of especially the internet, social media, and other information and communication technologies (ICTs)—to enhance democratic processes, participation, and governance. Sadly, many governments in Eastern Africa are not prepared to robustly respond to digital democracy, and many governments resort to sanctioning social media or completely shutting down the internet during charged political contests like elections or protests.

Secondly, there is need for governments in Eastern Africa to regulate tech giants, especially those hosting social media platforms and which collect big data. While countries in Eastern Africa may individually find it difficult to regulate the multi-billion-dollar tech giants, this could be done at the regional and or continental level, where collective action will help exert the necessary pressure.

Conclusion

The future of public trust in governance will hinge on how effectively states balance innovation with regulation, inclusion with security, and transparency with resilience in the digital age. The digital regulatory framework should therefore be people-centred, seeking to make the digital transformation as inclusive as possible, so as to enable citizens to fully participate and help enhance public trust in governance.

Policy Recommendations

Amidst this digitally driven environment, the following policy recommendations may be useful to fully harness the opportunities and help promote good governance and public trust.

1.There is need for state and non-state actors to invest in digital literacy, so as to empower citizens to constructively, confidently and critically engage with digital platforms. Digital literacy will enable citizens to harness opportunities of digitization, while remaining cautiously aware of the risks involved so as minimize and mitigate them.

2.Governments in Eastern Africa need to establish or enhance existing legal frameworks and policies to robustly deal with emerging issues in a digital environment. The regulatory environment must not stifle, but empower citizens to fully utilize digital technologies. Policies must be as inclusive as possible, to ensure those in the periphery are not left out of digital transformation.

3. There is need to enhance civic tech innovation. This should prioritize open-source tools and civic technologies that promote public participation and oversight.

References

Adeniran, A., Balogun, K., & Ihezie, E. (2023). Towards digital governance in Africa. In Handbook of Public Management in Africa (pp. 355-373). Edward Elgar Publishing.
Chivunga, M., & Tempest, A. (2022). Digital disruption in Africa: Mapping innovations for the AfCFTA in post-COVID times. South African Institute of International Affairs.
Kilroy Jr, R. J. (2022). Securitization. In Handbook of security science (pp. 207-224). Cham: Springer International Publishing.
Lorenz-Spreen, P., Oswald, L., Lewandowsky, S., & Hertwig, R. (2023). A systematic review of worldwide causal and correlational evidence on digital media and democracy. Nature human behaviour, 7(1), 74-101.
Lorenz-Spreen, P., Lewandowsky, S., Sunstein, C. R., & Hertwig, R. (2020). How behavioural sciences can promote truth, autonomy and democratic discourse online. Nature Human Behaviour, 4(11), 1102-1109.
Oketch, A. (2024). Kenya’s protests are different this time: 3 things that make it harder for government to crush them. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/kenyas-protests-are-different-this-time-3-things-that-make-it-harder-for-government-to-crush-them-233790
Wanyama, E. (2023). Digital Democracy in Africa: What has the Law got to do with it. CIPESA. https://cipesa.org/2023/04/digital-democracy-in-africa-what-has-the-law-got-to-do-with-it/