Recent reports from senior United States Defense officials indicate that the increasing collaboration between al-Shabaab and Houthi militants is threatening security operations in central Somalia.[1] This development necessitates a comprehensive analysis of the maritime security threats posed by their potential alliance. The Houthi movement, also known as Ansar Allah, is a rebel group based in Yemen. They gained prominence in the early 2000s due to their grievances against the Yemeni government, which they accused of marginalization and political exclusion.[2] Their opposition extended to resisting perceived Western influence in Yemen and resulted in attacks on maritime traffic in the Red Sea, particularly targeting oil shipments. The Houthis have launched missiles and drone attacks on Saudi oil and commercial vessels, demonstrating their maritime capabilities and willingness to disrupt regional stability.[3]
On the other hand, Al-Shabaab, an Islamist extremist group based in Somalia, has long presented maritime security threats through piracy, extortion, arms smuggling, and terrorist attacks. Their piracy activities have disrupted maritime trade, increased insurance premiums, and endangered seafarers. Extortion of local fishermen and commercial vessels in Somali waters undermines economic activities and threatens regional stability. Arms smuggling via maritime routes supports their insurgency on land, perpetuating insecurity. In 2023, al-Shabaab carried out terrorist attacks on ports and vessels along the Red Sea destabilizing the region and hindering international trade. In December 2023, Somali pirates attacked four vessels as international navies relocated from the Indian Ocean to the Red Sea to protect maritime traffic from attacks by Yemen’s Houthi rebels. Observers believe al-Shabaab militants in Somalia’s northern Sanaag region reached a deal to provide protection to pirates in exchange for 30% of all ransom proceeds and a cut of any loot.[4] This arrangement is significant for al-Shabaab as it provides critical funds after the Somali government clamped down on its other illegal money sources and froze its bank accounts. The terrorists are also suspected of negotiating with pirates and Houthi rebels to acquire weapons.
This collaboration between al-Shabaab and the Houthis introduces significant maritime security challenges along the Gulf of Aden that warrant close attention. Key motivations for the collaboration include arms supply and mutual support, with the Houthis reportedly providing advanced weaponry to al-Shabaab, potentially facilitated by Iranian connections, enhancing al-Shabaab’s operational capabilities.[5] This weapon deal is part of a broader strategy to undermine central Somali forces and consolidate power in the region. Despite sectarian differences, both groups share a common adversarial stance against U.S. influence and presence in the region, forming a significant part of their alliance’s foundation. Their collaboration also reflects the dynamics of the transnational illicit arms market, underscoring the interconnected nature of regional militant networks. The Houthis’ alleged connection with Iran adds a geopolitical dimension, suggesting that their alliance with al-Shabaab could be part of a larger strategic framework aimed at undermining regional stability and countering U.S. influence.This commentary seeks to explore the security implications posed by Al-shabaab and Houthis collaboration in the Gulf of Aden.
The Gulf of Aden and the broader Somali maritime domain are of strategic importance, serving as crucial arteries for global maritime trade. Any disruption here can have far-reaching consequences for international shipping and global trade flows. This collaboration leverages the vulnerabilities in this region, exerting pressure on international stakeholders and advancing their respective agendas. The security implications of this collaboration are manifold. Firstly, it could lead to an increase in maritime piracy and terrorism. The Houthis possess advanced weaponry and maritime expertise,[6] which could be transferred to al-Shabaab, enhancing their operational capabilities. This could result in a resurgence of piracy incidents and potential terrorist attacks on shipping lanes, ports, and oil tankers, using asymmetric warfare tactics to disrupt maritime traffic and instill fear among maritime operators. Secondly, the collaboration could lead to the proliferation of arms and tactics. The flow of arms between the Houthis and al-Shabaab could see the spread of advanced weaponry, including anti-ship missiles, which pose a significant threat to naval and commercial vessels. The exchange of tactics and intelligence could result in more sophisticated and coordinated attacks, complicating counter-terrorism and counter-piracy efforts by international coalitions. Thirdly, increased maritime insecurity exacerbates regional instability, affecting coastal communities reliant on fishing and trade. The humanitarian situation in Somalia, already dire, could worsen with restricted access to aid deliveries and economic disruptions caused by maritime threats.
To address these challenges, several policy recommendations emerge. Firstly, there is a need for enhanced naval presence and coordination in the Gulf or Aden. This is despite existing efforts such as the newly established multinational maritime security force by the US to disrupt Houthi rebel operations and new agreements by countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, France, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Seychelles and Spain to fight the rebels in the Gulf.[7] Towards this front efforts such as strengthening international naval patrols in the Gulf of Aden and Somali waters through joint operations and increased intelligence sharing is crucial. Implementing stricter maritime security protocols and coordination mechanisms among regional navies and international coalitions can help manage and mitigate these threats. Currently, reports suggest that there is no East African navy that is capable of conducting anti-piracy operations in the Red and Arabian seas without compromising their own maritime security operations.[8] Secondly, is the need for building the capacity of regional states? Providing technical and financial assistance to Somali authorities specifically the Somali National Army and regional states can bolster their maritime security infrastructure and response capabilities. This need is underscored by the inadequacy of the current maritime security vessels available. Training and equipping local maritime forces will enable them to independently manage and address security threats. Thirdly, diplomatic and economic measures are necessary. Engaging in diplomatic efforts to isolate and weaken the collaboration between al-Shabaab and the Houthis, including cutting off their financial networks, can reduce their operational capabilities. Promoting regional economic development and alternative livelihoods can address the socio-economic drivers of piracy and terrorism. Finally, a comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy is needed. Developing a holistic approach that addresses both land-based and maritime threats, integrating military, intelligence, and socio-economic components, is vital. Encouraging regional cooperation and multilateral initiatives can help tackle the root causes of extremism and instability.
In conclusion, the collaboration between al-Shabaab and the Houthis presents a multifaceted threat to maritime security in the Gulf of Aden. Addressing this challenge requires a coordinated and comprehensive approach involving enhanced naval operations, regional capacity building, diplomatic efforts, and a holistic counter-terrorism strategy. By taking proactive measures, the international community can mitigate the risks and ensure the safety and stability of one of the world’s most crucial maritime corridors, the Gulf of Aden.
[1] Al-Shabab reverses Somali force gains, now working with Houthis in Somalia, 2024.
[2] Who are the Houthis and why are they attacking Red Sea ships? 2024.
[4] Report: al-Shabaab Extends Reach With Offer to Protect Somali Pirates, 2024.
[5] Africa file, June 13, 2024: Houthi-Shabaab Weapons Deal; SFG Boost in Central Somalia, 2024.
[6] Arab wall, Understanding the Significance of the Houthi’s Announcement of ‘Submarine Weapons’ in Red Sea Attacks, 2024.
[7] Can the US-led maritime force stop Yemen’s Houthi attacks during Gaza war? Al Jazeera News, 2024.
[8] Red Sea and Western Indian Ocean attacks expose Africa’s maritime vulnerability, The Defense Web, 2024.